Growing in and out of poverty, People’s own perception: A case of Bihar
By
Ajay Kumar *
* Worked as consultant in the World Bank sponsored project 'Qualitative Poverty Assesment Of Some Of The Poor Regions Of India'.
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Growing in and out of poverty, People’s own perception : A case of Bihar
Introduction: Poverty is multidimensional and at times it becomes more intricate in closed and cloistered society of Bihar. There is a general consensus that the poor can be defined, as those who are deprived of basic human needs required for their well being. But there are different points of view on what exactly are these needs. The Indian government equates poverty with the tangible dimensions of deprivation, that is lack of access to food, nutrition, clothing, shelter, water and basic education and uses food deprivation, in particular, to identify the poor from the non poor. (Planning commission, 1979, 1993). However, the Human development report 1997, released by UNDP, questions the narrow equation of poverty with material deprivation. It examines deprivation in terms of creativity, freedom, dignity, self-esteem and the respect for others (UNDP, 1997). Robert Chambers (1988) mentions a few additional intangible dimensions of deprivations viz., vulnerability, powerlessness, and isolation. He views the market as a neutral institution to which all sections of the population have equal access and within which all sections can negotiate on equal footing. In reality, markets reflect and perpetuate inequalities in the society on the basis of class, caste, gender, and other social relations. If one takes the example of the labor markets, one will see that whether and in what way one enters the market place, depends on one's economic position, educational level, age and social norms on gender and caste. The wages of unskilled laborers (a significant number of poor come in this category) are determined not by use value of the products of their labor, but by what their employers think is required for their subsistence. Gender and caste bias also come into valuation of work. Terms and conditions of work often don't guarantee long-term security. Isolation of workers especially in the non-farm informal sector comes in the way of their coming together to bargain collectively. Institutional barriers often prevent certain sections of the poor, like women, Dalits, tribal and minority groups, from utilizing enhanced income for enhanced access to basic needs. Intra-household inequalities in distribution of food, community norms on seclusion and restricted interaction with strangers as well as gender bias of community service markets and government service delivery systems reduce poor women's ability to have access to basic needs, even with increase in their income. There are instances of women's earning through wage labor being grabbed by men in the household. Caste system has worked as important deterrent in escaping out from poverty. Evidence from village studies indicates that almost whole lot of scheduled caste population is poor and working as agriculture labors. Traditional landowning castes have grabbed whatever new opportunities in agriculture and non-agriculture sector were available in the village. Caste based violence, in different areas, reveals the difficulty experienced by poor dalits in using their increased income through new sources of employment to expand their access to education. Increased income has also not led to better access to drinking water for dalits where caste hierarchies restrict their access to common wells. In last few years, society has gone under a lot of changes and everywhere old feudal values are fast eroding. Dalits have now started voting during elections of which they are devoid of for years by dominant upper caste people. Although now the caste and class system are not necessarily co-terminus. In almost all the study villages(Based on the findings of the qualitative poverty assessment studies conducted in 6 villages namely Damuhan,Ismailpur, Sakraurha of Jehanabad district, Mohanpur Asli,Kutubpur,Suhai of Vaishali district.), it has been found that many upper caste people were ranked as the ultra-poor. So is the case with many dalits and lower backward class people who improved their economic condition to such an extent as some of them were ranked among the wealthiest few but still a large no. of them are structured poor. Opportunities to increase productivity or secure better prices are limited due to lack of infrastructure such as electricity, roads, transport, etc. With the absence of electricity in all the study villages farmers depended on diesel pump sets for irrigation which is very costly. It further diminishes their return from farming. With the absence of any organized marketing system, farmers have to sell their crops at a very low price to local middlemen. Sometimes it is as low as two to three hundred percent less than the market prices. Examples of lack of access to basic needs due to neglect of health care and education provision by the govt. are quite common. In last few years, society has gone under a lot of changes and every where old feudal values are fast eroding and now the caste and class system are not necessarily co-terminus. In almost all the villages, it has been found that many upper caste people were ranked as the ultra-poor. So is the case with many dalits and lower backward class people who improved their economic condition to such an extent as some of them were ranked among the wealthiest few. Agriculture is still main source of earning for villagers. Recently a large no. of people opted for off farm activities and thus improved their earning. Improvement in road and education has contributed in establishing economic links with local towns. It accelerated the pace of migration, which consequently brought remittances and improved their living condition. In some cases, migrants have started their own business from the remittances. There is enough evidence that jajmani system (Traditional patron and client system based sn the caste system was prevalent in villages.) is eroding fast and attached labor is less common in comparison to casual labor that obviously got an edge over attached labor by way of having more freedom in negotiating higher wages from employer, despite the fact that they will lose credit facility, lands for cultivation and other traditional safety nets. Villagers do not appreciate working as attached labor as it is considered a form of exploitation like bonded labor wrought by feudal values and practices.
Economic Mobility In almost all the study villages, the pace of economic mobility was remarkably very slow. Everywhere there was a common stereotyped reply from the villagers that their condition had hardly changed, although there were many visible changes, which reflected the improved condition of some of the villages. The pace of change was slow to be acknowledged. With very high population density and nearly total dependence on agriculture that is almost stagnant for years, very few people were in a position to generate surplus from the agricultural lands. Those who generated some surplus from farming were not getting good return due to lack of proper marketing system. Farmers of Suhai got better returns from their horticultural products due to local market and presence of many middlemen who purchased their fruits and vegetables at competitive price from village itself. With very small landholdings many persons were leading better life in comparison to big landholders of central Bihar villages. Lack of permanent dependable irrigation facilities forced many farmers to mono cropping which consequently generated very few days of employment for agricultural labors. During lean period, agricultural labor's condition becomes more vulnerable. Some of the agricultural labors were even prepared to work on low wages compared to specified prevalent minimum wages. Migration and Poverty: Migration proved an important vehicle for economic mobility in all the study villages. Most of the agriculture labors migrated to other developed states like Punjab and Haryana for gainful employment in agriculture sector while another set of migrants had either moved to different metropolis like Delhi and Bombay or to some industrial towns like Surat and Ludhiana. In most of the cases, they get instant employment. Some of the out migrant had moved to improve their earning by way of getting better employment opportunity but the larger section had migrated only as a part of survival strategy left at their disposal. Most of the agriculture labors are migrating during lean agriculture season at their native place. There is a wide difference in wages between the two places. often more than double. If they get some work on contract basis, the return is more rewarding. The migrants after returning have sufficient saving for family members and their living condition is better than their other counterparts' who didn't opt for out migration. This seasonal migration is more among north Bihar villages where land- man ratio is very low and cropping pattern is less labor-intensive. The other notable feature is prevalence of low wages while for women, it is more discriminating and many a places they are paid half the wages of their male counterparts. The major visible impacts in all study villages were of permanent migrant income; most of them are employed in urban areas in more skilled jobs or some trades. Their remittances had a considerable bearing on the living condition of their other family members living in villages. Some of them had started more extensive farming by acquiring new agricultural implements and other inputs like HYV seeds and as a result of this; their productivity had considerably increased. These out-migrants had invested their money in purchasing agricultural lands and construction of pucca houses, which are important indicators of being well off in rural society. Some of the villagers had taken lands on lease by paying advance rent from the remittances. Access to land: Govt. initiatives in poverty reduction: Keeping the magnitude and intensity of poverty, both the central and state governments have initiated many anti poverty programs. These programs can have three broad categories.
Education as means of mobility: Education has proved an important source of upward mobility in every village during the course of the study. It has provided a lot of avenues in private and government sectors. Educated persons who got govt. jobs were found to be the most mobile section of the society. Govt. jobs are considered most secure, rewarding and prestigious. In some cases, corrupt officials have accumulated huge wealth in some cities in the form of big dwelling houses, vehicles and urban lands. In all the study villages, these people were considered as persons who attained high degree of economic mobility. In Kutubpur village, a Muslim family became one of the wealthiest only from the remittances he was getting from his sons working in middle-east countries. In last few years, he was found to have purchased a large chunk of land. In Suhai village, most well-off persons are working in government departments. Their other family members who are living in the village, have purchased lands from the remittances. The ownership of land is not the only indicator of their well being. The pucca houses and ownership of tube wells and hand pumps are also index of their improved condition. There are rare examples of individuals who attained upward mobility through progressive farming. Agriculture sector appears to be stagnant and not capable of generating sufficient surplus.. Contrary to the general belief that education opens the doors for economic mobility, a large no. of educated unemployed were sitting idle in every village. After getting higher education, they considered doing manual work beyond their dignity while white collared job was beyond their reach. Children of poor family who hardly completed their secondary level education had hardly any opportunity outside farm sector. Off Farm Activities: A large no. of lower backward caste people who are considered economically mobile section, had improved their earning by opting for off farm activities. Many Yadavas who were engaged in dairy business, had considerably added to their earnings. In some villages, govt. had started dairy cooperatives for purchasing milk in the village itself. This had further boosted the earning of cattle rearing people. Marketing facilities provided a handsome return for the whole year in some villages. The economically mobile lower backward castes have also enhanced their earning by way of minimizing expenses on marriage and other social functions. Contrary to it, many upper caste people, under social compulsion, go on spending lavishly despite their low earning. Hefty dowry, expenses on death ceremony (shradh) are very common among them. Off farm activities, though on a very small scale, have definitely generated gainful employment in every village. These off farm activities are in the form of small trades, transportation and opening of general shops in villages. Though there is a vast opportunity for additional gainful employment in non-farm sector. . Social Mobilization: The central Bihar, where the ultra leftist movement has very strong roots, has mobilized agriculture laborers on a very large scale., As a result , wages have been enhanced and other social rights are restored. Now agriculture labors have important say in the fixation of daily wages particularly in Central Bihar villages where they have organized under the banner of different ultra-leftist organizations. In many places, laborers are now made custodian and users of common property resources. It has certainly improved their condition and made them feel socially empowered. In some places, lands encroached by dominant caste people have been freed and distributed among landless laborers. Now they can exercise their franchise during elections for long it has been denied to them. In some of the places they are working as a powerful presser group at the local level. Despite some cases of upward mobility, a large contingent of rural population is still leading a subhuman life due to acute poverty. Low wage rate, large no. of dependents, high land-man ratios, low productivity and absence of assured irrigation are the major factors of poverty at the village level. Nevertheless, some other social factors also downgraded the life style of rural people. In Sakraurha village, Bhumihars consider ploughing and other manual work beyond their tradition and dignity. Even the wife of the poorest Bhumihar villager, Dhallo Singh doesn't come out from her house to take up some work to improve her family earning, only because of social tradition.
Health: The poor have less access to health services in rural areas. The main barriers are physical, financial, social and informational. Distance to health center is quite often more than five Kms..and they are ill equipped. During group discussions in poor bastis, people reported that due to financial stringency, people approached for curative treatment to doctors very late. Many a times they kept consulting local quacks and witchcraft for treatment of tuberculosis. and cancer. Due to a very high level of illiteracy, particularly among women, information about basic household hygiene and health practices are lacking among the poor which often lead to frequent illness. Illness is one of the most widespread causes of human deprivation and economic insecurity. Heavy expenses incurred on treatment and on transport, informal payment cost of stay in urban areas, deplete the family's financial reserves and conversely poverty makes people prone to diseases. This syndrome of vicious cycle affects not only the actual patients but also those who depend on them for subsistence. In north Bihar villages, health has emerged as the sole reason for downward mobility of many residents. Prevalence of Kala-Azar, diarrhea, tuberculosis, typhoid, malaria is very common. For them , there is no other option but to rely on quacks, easily available in the villages. After a long treatment when quacks find themselves unable to diagnose the disease, they refer the patients to city doctors who charge exorbitantly high and to arrange money they keep their land on bharana (mortgage) or take money from money lenders on a very high interest rate (varies from 6 to 10 percent per month). Sahdev Sadai took 30,000/- from moneylenders for treatment of Kala-azar of his younger brother and after a year long treatment, his brother died. Now Sadai has no other option but to sell his smallholding of ten kathas. Suresh Paswan of Mohanpur Asli village works as agriculture labor .He lost many working days in course of treatment of his only son suffering from tuberculosis putting additional economic burden on him. High mortality, morbidity, and malnutrition are manifestations of different dimensions of poverty. Poor health, malnutrition, and high fertility contribute to people's poverty and poverty consequently makes people vulnerable to poor health and malnutrition by increasing the risk of health. Credit : People often take loans from moneylenders for multifarious needs right from subsistence to social expenditure on a very high interest rate. In some villages, it is well beyond 120 percent per annum. After some time, it becomes really impossible to repay it. Quite often, landowning farmers have to forgo their small lands to repay their old debts. Getting assistance from banks is not so easy the cumbersome process takes a lot of time for sanctioning the loan. With rampant corruption in banks and among officials of blocks, nearly thirty to forty percent of the sanctioned loan amount directly goes into the pockets of the concerned officials. Suresh Pundit of Mohanpur Asli village narrated his pathetic story how he sold his house to repay IRDP loan when he got arrested on the charge of nonpayment of loan. He is also paying the interest on the bribes he paid to the local officials. In some of the villages, new initiatives are coming up. In Kutubpur, recently, a credit society has helped many people. A group of seventy-five poor villagers have formed a credit society named as Dalit Samaj Sudhar Samiti. Almost all the members are from scheduled castes and from extremely backward castes. Regular meetings are held in the village where decisions are taken. The member's contribution is only @ five rupees per month. The rate of interest is only three percent monthly and repayment rate is ninety five percent. The samiti provides loans in case of emergency medical treatment, marriage, shradha, cremation, and for fertilizers and seeds. In case of death of any family member, certain amount is given as a donation. At the end of the year, profit is equally shared among its members. Marriages of girls is an important reason for downward mobility of many persons. Dowry is widely prevalent custom in Hindus. A larger part of the earning is kept reserved for dowry of girl children. If the number of girls is more, the situation becomes really pathetic. In some cases, parents have sold lands for getting their daughters married. Alcoholism: There are umpteen no. of stories of many well to do families becoming poor due to drinking and other bad habits although in every village there are some people who improved their earning considerably by selling liquor and toddy. Many poor despite of facing hardship spend a larger part of their earning on drinking which causes wife battering and family tension.Social security: Traditional institution like jajmani system, once a powerful institution providing relief during catastrophic shocks are fast waning out in every village. Due to complete absence of any social security mechanism, a large no. of destitute poor consisting mainly of disabled, old and widows without any breadwinner in their families ,become one of the most vulnerable and helpless lots in the village. Though there is a provision of old age pension, it has been found that very few get the benefit of this program, that too, on a very irregular interval. Sometimes, it is paid after an interval of eight or ten months. The amount is so meager (@ Rs. 100 per month) that it hardly provides any major relief to destitute. Even among the villagers the awareness about some other govt. social security measures was almost absent among poor.
Common Property Resources (C.P. R.) and Poor: Depletion of common property resources further compounded their woes. Once this worked as important social security cushion to deprived section. Wherever there is open access to such resources, it contributed substantially to the earnings of the poor. For example, in Kutubpur village, many people improved their earning by fishing in a nearby pond. On the other hand in Damuhan, Ismailpur and Sakraurha where there is strong mobilization of agriculture labor under the banner of different ultra-leftist organisation like C.P.I. M.L (Liberation) and C.P.I. M.L (Party unity), laborers have taken control of many gair-majurua lands and got them distributed among poor. Some of them have improved their income by cultivating these lands.
Conclusion: In all the study villages, it was quite apparent that very few villagers have improved their living condition by farming alone. To make agriculture more remunerative, heavy public investment is required particularly in irrigation, road and for proper marketing. This will certainly have great impact on overall rural economy. Most of the govt. initiatives in the form of different anti-poverty programs largely failed to reach its target. Many a times it was diverted to non-poor. So, there is a need to consolidate and strengthen different local level institutions like Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRI) or NGOs CBOs and assign them many ongoing anti-poverty programs of Govt. Through them new initiatives should be taken to make the poor have access to health and education.
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