Nobody,
even the Bahujan Samaj Party leader, Mayawati, is
talking about him. But the man in question is as
much disturbed by the UP results as the Samajwadi
Party leader, Mulayam Singh and Bharatiya Janata Party
chief, Rajnath Singh. The person in question is none
else but the Union fertilizer minister, Ram Bilas
Paswan.
The
BSP win will not only end one and a half decade long
political uncertainty in Uttar Pradesh but it will
also open a new chapter in the Dalit politics of the
country. Paswan had lost his bargaining position as
the Dalit leader as Mayawati has for the first time
won it all alone. The BSP chief is so over-confident
of the Dalit leadership that she never even speaks
of Ram Bilas Paswan as a challenger.
It
is for the first time that Mayawati went without (now
Late) Kanshi Ram, who founded the BSP more than two
decades ago. Though Dalits have a sizeable population
in Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand and
many other states there is no one left as towering
a personality as Mayawati. Now she is in position
to dictate her terms.
Uttar
Pradesh has 22 per cent Dalits and even a small support
from the Upper Castes, Muslims and Extreme Backward
Castes is enough to ensure her victory. In the last
two decades under the guidance of Kanshi Ram, she
succeeded in carving out her own support base. She
played her political cards very astutely and built
the party right from the top to the booth level, where
the management is very essential on the day of polling.
Born
in Delhi on January 15, 1956 apparently she has no
real root in Uttar Pradesh yet she managed to emerge
as the undisputed leader of the Dalits in that state
and can win from anywhere there. In fact her political
training started in entirely different way. She was
picked by the party supreme leader, Kanshi Ram, while
she was preparing for the Civil Service examination
and working as a teacher in Delhi.
Unlike
the Dalit leaders of Maharashtra, who tried to cash
in on the personality of Ambedkar or Ram Bilas Paswan,
who shot into national fame because of the 1974 JP-movement
and the subsequent 1977 anti-Indira wave Kanshi Ram
and Mayawati worked at the grassroots level among
Dalits. This they achieved notwithstanding their disadvantage
of being from outside the state. Kanshi Ram was from
Punjab.
On
the other hand Ram Bilas Paswan initially never project
himself as the Dalit leader in the manner Mayawati
or Kanshi Ram did throughout their career. True Ram
Bilas formed Dalit Sena later he often used his Dalit
card only when in neck deep in trouble.
Though
Paswan and the leaders of Republican Party of Maharashtra
had the advantage of being local in their respective
states they all failed to match the personality of
Kanshi Ram and Mayawati. The duo very tactfully filled
the vacuum of Dalit leadership and unlike Paswan never
used the Dalit card when in a dire strait.
However,
Mayawati has certain advantage. Unlike in Bihar, where
Dalits form just over 15 percent of population, they
are economically stronger in Uttar Pradesh. They owe
this to the First War of Independence whose centenary
coincided with BSP's thumping victory. In a way Dalits
sided with the British in that War as they wanted
to get rid of the local Kings, Maharajas and Zamindars,
who were considered as the exploiters.
Besides,
the arrival of British in Uttar Pradesh and their
subsequent capture of Delhi led to the emergence of
cantonment towns in several cities like Meerut (where
actually the 1857 revolt first broke), Kanpur, Agra,
Allahabad and Lucknow. The military camps in this
cities gave a big boost to the boot and belt industries
in most of these cities as the army personnel need
them. The Ravidas (cobblers), the caste to which Mayawati
belongs, one way or the other got benefited by this
development. In West UP they are called Jatavs.
Maharashtra,
where too Dalits form a sizeable percentage, had a
slightly different story. There the Dalits, especially
Mahars, the caste to which Ambedkar belonged, got
recruited in army in a large number. But the Dalits
of the united Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and to some extent
even Bengal were not so lucky.
Mayawati
fully capitalized on this advantage to emerge as the
leader of the Dalits. In the era where Dalit and backward
class assertion is at its peak the national parties
like the BJP and the Congress stand nowhere to gain.
While Congress is too insignificant a force, yet its
effort to make some sorts of revival has been dashed.
The
UP result will not only change the Dalit politics,
but may also have an impact on the political equation
at the national level. The twice bitten Congress may
now re-think the whole Dalit strategy as the 2009
parliamentary election is not far away. The party
has gained nothing--in fact lost everything--by aligning
with Ram Bilas Paswan in the two assembly elections
in 2005. The Lok Janshakti Party leader has already
antagonized the railway minister, Lalu Yadav, and
the seriously let down Sonia Gandhi. He had lost his
bargaining position. He had all throughout been opposing
the Congress-BSP alliance. But now hardly anyone in
the Congress is in a mood to lend his/her ear to him.
comment
Comments...
The
article has raised an important point but the anlysis
appears to be superficial. I will keep my observation
limited to two points-
1) Why dalit politics of the kind seen UP has yet to
emerge in Bihar? Will it ever emerge in Bihar in the
same form as in UP?
2)
The contention of the writer that DALITS sided with
British during the First war of independence of 1857
is not supported by histical facts. In fact there is
increasing body of recent historical research which
suggests the Dalits were in the thich of the popular
revolt in Awadh, Merrut, Azam garh,areas around delhi
and in bhojpur (pl refer the recent issue of EPW )
The answer to the first question has to be found in
the recent history of Bihar and the political developments
of the state since 1960,s. The naxal movement of the
bhojpur and magadh area inter alia has in its own way
articulated the Dalit aspiration and struggles.Dalit
masses form the backbone of the movement in all its
variation. Can one say that the DALIT issue has been
present in the anti- congress politics led by socialists
,riding on the backward caste upsurge in Bihar politics
since mid sixtees.
What
ever one says about Bihar and its middle class ,there
are certain specificities which sets it apart from UP
1) Bihar is less castiest state.caste issues and caste
prejudices are not verbalised in the abusive manner
among middle class biharis.any body familiar with up
will vouch for it.
2)The middle class in bihar is not communal to the extent
of UP.Is it because even though we are illiterate we
have been spared the spread of education through Sarsawati
vidyamandirs run by Rss.one rarely comes across theoretically
conviced communalists in bihar.
3)Bihar is tolerant for all types of minorities- religious,
linguistic etc
4)
Biharis are less superstitious. we dont believe in living
Gods-sai baba,s of AP or anandmayi devis of up and chandraswamis.Patna
must be the only capital which does not have a Baba,
agstrologer worshiped by high and mighty.
For a Dalit in Bihar it is less opressive to live in
Bihar. the common abuse of middle class in UP is "maar
maar ke bhangi/ chamar bana dunga." one does not
come across this type of abuse in such a predictble
manner in Bihar.
The
urban middle class of UP is shamelessly anti Muslim
and anti Dalit. all of the above should not be taken
in absolute sense but only in a relative sense.
Does
all of this give a clue as to why Mayawati/BSP type
of Dalit politics has not come to Bihar? Ramvilas Paswan
is different from Mayawati?
Kaushal Kishore
Kharbhaia / Patna
[email protected]